Is Lalu Mulayam Reunion a non event?

For last few days one political development has taken everyone with surprise , the development of political reunion of Lalu Prasad Yadav and Mulayam Singh Yadav and even cementing this relation into  bond of marriage relationship.

I have tried to read between the lines of  this reunion and its larger implications on Indian politics.

As most of the analysts are agree that political reunion of strong regional satraps of two large Hindi speaking states has took shape due to political compulsion of survival in the background of challenge which BJP under Narendra  Modi has thrown upon them.  The emergence of Narendra Modi as the Kalyan Singh of 2014 has worried them more who  has successfully revived the social chemistry of 90’s of BJP in the politics of UP .

I am totally agree with this analysis but unable to find myself in agreement with analysts on the predictions for the failure of this reunion with no outcome.

In the context of the politics of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar it is very much true that Narendra Modi has been able to polarize the Hindus with his persona of implicit Hindutva as Hindu Hriday samarat  with  additional mention of a backward leader is first time going to be throned at the highest post of the country.

But here are few contradictions which can upset the calculations of BJP in near future and the hope of the revival of neo socialism of old Janata family lies heavily on those.

  • The contemporary situation  of BJP under Narendra Modi is much different from Kalyan Singh of 1990’s . In 1990’s Kalyan Singh has the live agenda of Ram Temple with him and around the dream of construction of Ram temple at the birth place of Lord Ram he has been able to galvanise the feeling of persecution of Hindus in to a Hindu vote bank. Once Babri structure was demolished and the symbol of persecution of Hindus evaporated the unity of casts into Hindu vote bank also busted.  In India of 2014 the politics has moved on from Ram Temple and Unlike Kalyan Singh Modi does not have any symbol with him to ignite the feelings of persecutions among Hindus .
  • Once Babri strucutre was demolished in 1992 the politics of Uttar Pradesh witnessed a social transformation and Mulayam Singh came with KanshiRam the founder of BSP  to form the govt in Uttar Pradesh in  1993 the first time  social movement transformed into political power. Mulayam Singh Yadav smell the same opportunity when he equates the unprecedented sweep of Modi in last Loksabha elections in Uttar Pradesh with the wave of Hindutva in 90’s .
  • Mulayam Singh Yadav along with other socialist forces  observed  the Modi govt  for last six months to decipher its directions and its contradictions. In last six months things went the same way as it had been in previous BJP governments or when BJP had been in power with socialists in 1977 and 1989.
  • The politics of Hindutva and the ideological assertiveness of RSS and its affiliates always isolate BJP in electoral arithmetic and consolidate liberal left along with secular socialist forces.
  • It may be possible that in near future Yadav duo would not be able to arrest the Juggernaut of Modi wave in a big scale but they will expose and aggravate few contradictions for Modi between  ideology and governance    and create trouble for him.
  • In this ever vigil 24×7 media coverage it is almost impossible for Modi Government to translate any of ideological commitment for which he have been part for a long time into governance or make them as part of policy framework . The failure on this front will made ideologues within RSS and Hindutva supporters across the nation and even abroad more impatient as they will be  unable to answer the people why the government enjoying the full majority is not able to bring the Hindutva ideology into mainstream of governance.
  • The more efforts were tried to push Hindutva ideology  into mainstream ggovernance the social coalition of Hindutva vote bank will fragment further as according to the secular , liberal,  and socialist forces  agenda of Hindutva ideology gives the perception of highly loaded in favor of so called sanskritized , brahaminical social order and gives more boost to their ideological consolidation that social justice which has been earned with greater efforts from the Indian constitution with efforts of Dr Bheemrao Ambedkar and other socialists are under threat to be get subverted  from backdoor. The more aggressive push and demand to translate Hindutva into governance the more insecurity it generates in deprived class.
  • Narendra Modi has been successful in portraying himself as the leader of backward origin who heart beats for Dalits in Hindutva camp but the real challenge before him to transform his party and his affiliates into a group who can embrace and digest those contradictory symptoms which give the feelings to backwards and dalits that he is their  person who enjoys clout in Hindutva and able to reshape it.
  • Only social transformation and movement can meet these challenges and any government with multiple political constrains and limitations of governance can not be expected to play the role of social reformer and ruler at the same time.

Given the character of politics and inseparable umbilical card between power and politics it can not be expected from adverseries of Narendra Modi to give him a smooth ride to play the role of ruler and social reformer  at the same time and not exploit the political benefit of these  contradictions.


Update- 15 April, 2015, Few months ago when two stalwarts of most powerful Hindi states and pivot to secular and socialist polity in India for more than two and half decades Lalu Prasad Yadav and Mulayam Singh Yadav joined hands to stop the juggernaut of Narendra Modi it was taken as non serious issue. Now after months both have been able to move forward to revive the legacy of socialist politics in India with decision of merger of splinter Janata Parivar groups who often stood as socialist bloc in Indian politics. It would be interesting to watch how they work together to reframe the Indian politics in the paradigm of secular and social order .



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